Sabotage, Subversion, and Espionage Lurk in the Shadows
An Enemy in Our Midst?
Throughout the months and years after the attack on Pearl Harbor, military
and civilian defense officials in Oregon and along the Pacific Coast circulated
correspondence
labeled secret, restricted, or confidential. They shared sightings, reports,
and
analysis
detailing the
possibility of further attacks or sabotage in Oregon and warned of spies
operating in our society.
The real threat of sabotage
Civilian defense officials were tense in the weeks after Pearl Harbor.
They were scrambling to shore up plans while coping with the influx of
citizens wanting to help and offering advice or rumors. The heightened
state of alert for sabotage and other enemy acts was apparent in a Christmas
Eve letter to the Oregon Defense Council from the Army at Fort Lewis,
Washington warning that "it is the crafty nature of our enemy to choose
those periods when the country is least likely to guard, to launch their
attacks."(1)
Enlarge image
Sabotage laws were harsh. (Image no. ww0207-79
courtesy Northwestern University)
Officials saw plenty of potential targets for saboteurs, including military and government property, bridges, and forests. Early on, the Army also warned that telephone, radio, and telegraph companies were "not only especially vulnerable, but that they are likely to be one of the earliest targets of acts of sabotage."(3) The assumption was that the enemy would try to break the lines of communication in an attack.

A simple matchbook was all a saboteur needed in summer to start a forest fire in Oregon.

J. Edgar Hoover kept the hunt for saboteurs in the public eye. (Image courtesy FBI)
The best defense was vigilance - keeping an eye out for suspicious activity - especially in smaller towns. Oregonians were encouraged to "clear your suspicious characters or strangers through the FBI.... Remember too that NO INFORMATION IS TOO INSIGNIFICANT to be turned into the FBI." It was simple: "You furnish the leads, FBI will establish the facts." While encouraging citizens to report the slightest suspicions, officials at the same time cautioned that it was "no time for witch-hunting. Hysteria is a form of sabotage itself."(6) The subtlety between the two admonishments may have been lost on many Oregonians. But undoubtedly, many small town busy-bodies erred on the side of reporting insignificant information.
Vigilance was reinforced, especially early in the war, by periodic reports of suspected sabotage. Perhaps most shocking were the small German sabotage squads that landed in June 1942 on Long Island, New York and Ponte Vedra, Florida. Having lived in the United States before the war, the eight men spoke fluent English, knew American customs, and had been trained at a special sabotage school near Berlin. The teams landed in rubber rafts launched from U-boats and carried a large supply of explosives and incendiaries, intent on targeting aluminum plants, river locks, and rail lines. The plot quickly fell apart as officials rounded up both teams, the Long Island team after a comedy of errors. One of the leaders was a bitter naturalized German American who felt cheated in life, apparently the impetus of his actions. While doing no damage, the plot gave civilian defense officials tangible proof of the threat of sabotage to the country.(7)
Enlarge image
Posters reminded Americans that spies could be anywhere. (Image no. ww0207-02
courtesy Northwestern University)
The specter of the fifth column
Fear of domestic subversives or "fifth columnists" also reached
its heights in the months after Pearl Harbor. But it began earlier as Americans
watched the
collapse of western Europe in 1940 and concluded that domestic saboteurs
had added to the debacle. Of course the fear of internal sabotage manifested
itself most visibly in the removal of Japanese Americans along the West
Coast to
relocation camps inland. Yet, Japanese Americans were far from the only
perceived threat.
Potential fifth columnists
Officials in the Northwest categorized the fifth column threat in a restricted
1944 plan that included the following types of people as potential domestic
subversives:
"Enemy agents and sympathizers, including persons having personal or political grievances against the United States and those amendable to promises of money or power.
Those
with property or close relatives in enemy, enemy-occupied, or pro-enemy
countries.
Those
educated in, residents therein of a long period, or frequent visitors
to enemy countries.
Enemy
agents disguised as refugees.
Fanatics,
citizens or aliens, such as extreme radicals, pacifists, religious zealots,
habitual criminals (especially arsonists), racketeers, and those in narcotic
or other vice rings, and unbalanced, perverted, and thwarted individuals
such as sadists, frustrated "geniuses," disgruntled failures and swindlers.
Members
of so-called minority groups stirred by subversive propaganda to resentment
against the United States and its military forces or imbued with the possibility
of utilizing the war to gain special social or political advantage." (view
PDF-16 pages)(9)
Enlarge image
Posters vividly portrayed the costs of loose
talk. (Image no. ww1647-81 courtesy Northwestern
University)
These broad groups of suspected Americans were seen to have ominous intentions. Officials classified a number of potential operations that included sniping; spreading false rumors; issuing false orders; causing panic and riot; signaling the enemy from the ground; storing gasoline, vehicles, or other supplies for advancing hostile forces; and other organized acts of sabotage in support of the enemy. Oddly enough, the plan cited the dearth of actual sabotage as evidence of the cunning of the enemy: "The lack of proven enemy-inspired sabotage to date confirms the possibility that the Fifth Column is well disciplined and is awaiting planned and unified major action when directed."(10)
In the end, fears about widespread fifth column activity in the United States proved groundless. Certainly, there were plots that included Americans, such as the two on the East Coast described above, but little came of them. During the war the FBI investigated 19,649 cases of suspected internal sabotage but failed to find any that were directed by the enemy. Yet, at the time there were enough stories and rumors to make people say: "It could happen here."(11)
Enlarge image
Cartoons depicted how spies operated. (Image no. ww1646-71 courtesy Northwestern
University)
Loose lips sink ships
Even as Oregonians worried about their neighbor, the potential
fifth columnist saboteur, they also fretted about the spies in their
midst.
Censorship and spies
Censorship was a fact of life during the war. Some restrictions were obvious.
For example, all mail entering
or leaving the country was subject to censorship. So by 1942, a million
pieces of mail were read and censored by 10,000 civil servants. Censors
also checked the mail for useful information about the enemy. GIs writing
home could not mention anything about the military situation they saw and
their families were encouraged to write back with happy, non-specific letters
that avoided reference to the workplace.
Posters minced no words about the results of careless talk. (Image no. ww0207-80 courtesy Northwestern University)
Education
Meanwhile, government officials launched a massive publicity campaign
to educate Americans on the potential harm of seemingly harmless conversation,
even
with close friends and relatives. An example of the reasoning saw
one friend innocently telling the latest happenings from work to another
friend who would then mention the news at a bar where a spy was
listening,
ready to transmit the information to the enemy. News about design or production
of ships, airplanes, and other war assets could be particularly harmful.
Before long posters bearing slogans such as "Enemy agents are always
near; if you don't talk they won't hear" were tacked to walls in factories
and shipyards across the country as America responded to the threat.
Notes:
1. Letter from Lt. Col. S.F. Miller to
Oregon State Defense Council,
December
24,
1941.
Folder
7,
Box
15,
Defense
Council
Records,
OSA.
2. Letter from Lt. Col. S.F. Miller to Oregon Adjutant General, April 6,
1942.
Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.
3. Letter from Lt. Col. S.F. Miller to Oregon State Defense Council, December
24,
1941.
Folder
7,
Box
15,
Defense
Council
Records,
OSA.
4. "Why Summertime is Sabotage Time," Civilian
Front,
July 17, 1943, Page 12, Folder
8,
Box
34,
Defense
Council
Records,
OSA.
5. Letter from Major Gen. Kenyon A. Joyce to Governor Sprague, March 15, 1942.
Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.
6. "Why Summertime is Sabotage Time," Civilian
Front, July 17, 1943, Page 12, Folder 8, Box 34, Defense Council Records,
OSA.
7. Ronald H. Bailey, The Home Front: U.S.A. (Time-Life
Books, Inc., 1977), Page 115-116.
8. Memo from W.A. Groce, Executive Director of the Washington State Defense Council,
January 2, 1945.
Folder
16,
Box
37,
Defense
Council
Records,
OSA.
9. "Northern Security District Counter Fifth Column Plan," 1944.
Folder
8,
Box
15,
Defense
Council
Records,
OSA.
10. Ibid.
11. Ronald H. Bailey, The Home Front: U.S.A. (Time-Life
Books, Inc., 1977), Page 115.
12. Letter from Lt. Gen. J.L. DeWitt to Governor Sprague, May 23, 1942.
Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.
13. Memo from State Police Superintendent Charles Pray, May 29, 1942. Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.
14. Letter from Governor Sprague to Lt. Gen. J.L. DeWitt, June 1, 1942. Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.
15. Letter from Governor Sprague to F.N. Finch, July 25, 1942. Folder
15,
Box
3,
Gov. Sprague
Records,
OSA.